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'EU–US Relations at the Outset of the Obama Presidency: The Potential for Leadership and a New Deal', Jörg Monar, Issue 1, pp. 1–6 |
infoJörg Monar, 'EU–US Relations at the Outset of the Obama Presidency: The Potential for Leadership and a New Deal' (2009) 14 European Foreign Affairs Review, Issue 1, pp. 1–6 | | Copyright © 2009 Kluwer Law International
All rights reserved ISSN: 1384-6299
ID: EERR2009001 | 
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'EU–EC External Competences after the Small Arms Judgment', Bart Van Vooren, Issue 1, pp. 7–24 |
infoBart Van Vooren, 'EU–EC External Competences after the Small Arms Judgment' (2009) 14 European Foreign Affairs Review, Issue 1, pp. 7–24 | | Abstract. On 20 May 2008, the Court of Justice handed down its long–awaited judgment in the Small Arms case (C–91/05). Two issues are addressed in this initial essay. First, three different approaches to the relationship between the Community and the Union as captured in Article 47 TEU are proposed, and it is argued that an overly strict interpretation of the ‘non–affectation clause’ could render the CFSP nugatory, whereas an exceedingly unrestricted interpretation could open up an escape route from the legal principles applicable to the Member States in their relationship with the Community. Second, the court’s judgment is assessed in the light of the various options and their underlying rationales. In the final paragraphs, the article concludes that the ECJ’s approach to the two CFSP instruments before it is incongruent, and therefore does not settle the dust that had been stirred up by this cross–pillar conflict. Noting the importance of this case, this contribution is the opening part of a diptych. Whereas this article discusses the case in the context of the post–Nice Treaty framework, a follow–up contribution will assess the case’s importance should the Lisbon Treaty be ratified. Copyright © 2009 Kluwer Law International
All rights reserved ISSN: 1384-6299
ID: EERR2009002 |
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'The Lisbon Treaty and the Foreign, Security and Defence Policy:Reforms, Implementation and the Consequences of (non–)Ratification', Richard Whitman, Ana Juncos, Issue 1, pp. 25–46 |
infoRichard Whitman, Ana Juncos, 'The Lisbon Treaty and the Foreign, Security and Defence Policy:Reforms, Implementation and the Consequences of (non–)Ratification' (2009) 14 European Foreign Affairs Review, Issue 1, pp. 25–46 | | Abstract. The article examines the Lisbon Treaty and asserts that the treaty’s effects would be to revamp rather than revolutionize the existing arrangements for the CFSP/ESDP. With the future of the Lisbon Treaty in doubt since the Irish referendum on 12 June 2008, the article considers what the future scenarios might be for the CFSP/ESDP provisions of the treaty. The article does not adjudicate on the credibility of these future scenarios but proceeds by first outlining the changes introduced to the CFSP/ESDP by the treaty; the issues raised by the amendments introduced; and then considers the consequent effects on the functioning of the CFSP/ESDP, either by the approval of the reform by ratification of the treaty or, if it is considered a credible proposition, by piecemeal implementation. As the article illustrates, in most instances the reforms introduced by the Lisbon Treaty (or through part of a ‘cherry picking’ process) will still require further substantive decisions to determine the form of their implementation. Copyright © 2009 Kluwer Law International
All rights reserved ISSN: 1384-6299
ID: EERR2009003 |
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'EU Border Assistance Mission: Beyond Border Monitoring?', Xymena Kurowska, Benjamin Tallis, Issue 1, pp. 47–64 |
infoXymena Kurowska, Benjamin Tallis, 'EU Border Assistance Mission: Beyond Border Monitoring?' (2009) 14 European Foreign Affairs Review, Issue 1, pp. 47–64 | | On 1 December 2005, the EU deployed its Border Assistance Mission to Moldova and Ukraine (EUBAM), an innovative concept merging border monitoring and capacity–building. The improvised launch of the mission reflected the urge to put it in place against all odds and despite the presence of many practical obstacles. The hectic beginnings of the mission similarly reflected the impromptu character of the enterprise. Yet at present EUBAM has come to be seen as a fully fledged success story and a showcase for the EU’s constructive engagement with its Eastern neighbours. The mission exceeded the expectations placed upon it at the time of the inception. To such an extent are the mission’s achievements taken for granted that it is no longer an eligible case for routine inventories of successful project implementation used as public relations material by the EU and EC: it is simply too obvious. This contribution seeks to trace and unpack this ‘path to glory’. It enquires into the pre–history of the mission and follows its ambiguous institutional background. Through analysis of the mission’s development so far it tries to map EUBAM’s role in, and impact on, the regional situation. Grasping the mission’s position and positioning, it also aims to put the project in context and pinpoint lessons, if not necessarily learned, then at least identified at this point. Some of them may question the received wisdom of EUBAM as immaculate in conception and implementation. Copyright © 2009 Kluwer Law International
All rights reserved ISSN: 1384-6299
ID: EERR2009004 |
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'Judicial Review by the European Court of Justice of UN ‘Smart Sanctions’ Against Terror in the Kadi Dispute', Guy Harpaz, Issue 1, pp. 65–88 |
infoGuy Harpaz, 'Judicial Review by the European Court of Justice of UN ‘Smart Sanctions’ Against Terror in the Kadi Dispute' (2009) 14 European Foreign Affairs Review, Issue 1, pp. 65–88 | | In September 2008, the European Court of Justice found EU measures implementing UN Security Council resolutions which had called for the imposition of financial sanctions against certain persons and entities associated with Usama bin Laden, the Taliban and the Al– Qaeda network to be illegal. In a robust, inward–looking, human rights oriented, constitutionbased judgment, the ECJ provided a venue for indirect judicial review of Security Council resolutions and restored the EU legal order to its constitutional foundations. The ECJ furthermore buttressed the bridges between the EU legal order and the ECHR legal order, while erecting high walls between the former and the international law–UN legal order. The dispute before the EU judiciary highlights the multifaceted nature of modern, multilevel governance (multilateral: UN; regional: European; and national). It juxtaposes multilateralism with regionalism; the need to effectively combat international terrorism with the need to protect human rights; and the predominance in international relations of politics and diplomacy with the predominance of international and EU law. This article tackles all these themes, highlights the importance and complexities of the issues involved and analyses the commendable manner in which the ECJ addressed them. Copyright © 2009 Kluwer Law International
All rights reserved ISSN: 1384-6299
ID: EERR2009005 |
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'Path Dependency in EU Enlargement: Macedonia’s Candidate Status from a Historical Institutionalist Perspective', Jessica Giandomenico, Issue 1, pp. 89–112 |
infoJessica Giandomenico, 'Path Dependency in EU Enlargement: Macedonia’s Candidate Status from a Historical Institutionalist Perspective' (2009) 14 European Foreign Affairs Review, Issue 1, pp. 89–112 | | This article argues that EU enlargement policy and actions within that field are guided by the logic of path dependency. By studying the decision to confer candidate status on Macedonia in 2005, which was granted despite important shortcomings regarding democracy and rule of law, we can reveal key aspects of the decision–making process regarding the enlargement policy. The Macedonian crisis in 2001 was instrumental in shaping EU enlargement policy as a foreign policy tool to promote peace and stability in the Western Balkans. The peace agreement that ended the conflict, in turn, became an important reference for measuring reform progress in Macedonia. The enlargement policy thus became locked in a path–dependent pattern, where the implementation of the peace agreement from 2001 has become very important. The strong commitments by the EU towards Macedonia are identified as a particularly strong mechanism influencing the path dependent pattern. Where other influential theories cannot explain contradictions between EU Member State voting and preferences, or ignorance of democratic shortcomings, historical institutionalism offers tools to make such theoretical inconsistencies intelligible. Copyright © 2009 Kluwer Law International
All rights reserved ISSN: 1384-6299
ID: EERR2009006 |
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'The European Union: A Normative or Normal Power?', Steve Wood, Issue 1, pp. 113–128 |
infoSteve Wood, 'The European Union: A Normative or Normal Power?' (2009) 14 European Foreign Affairs Review, Issue 1, pp. 113–128 | | A feature of the European Union’s self–definition is its adherence to and promotion of particular norms and values. These are integral to academic literature that has examined the EU as a ‘normative power’ in global affairs. Much of the relevant scholarship, along with EU statements and documentation, underestimates or overlooks that what the EU does not do, or does not succeed in, may be as significant as what it does do and does succeed in. A policy area where evidence to support that the EU’s motivations and influence are not primarily normative continues to accumulate is that of energy security. Energy represents a more serious test of the EU’s capacity and commitment as a normative power than asymmetric relationships in which it is by far the stronger party or when the issue does not threaten its vital interests. Energy needs expose the limited character of the EU’s exertion of normative power (capacity) and its political will to do so (commitment). Copyright © 2009 Kluwer Law International
All rights reserved ISSN: 1384-6299
ID: EERR2009007 |
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'The Cyprus Problem in the European Parliament:A Case of Successful or Superficial Europeanization?', Stelios Stavridis, Charalambos Tsardanidis, Issue 1, pp. 129–156 |
infoStelios Stavridis, Charalambos Tsardanidis, 'The Cyprus Problem in the European Parliament:A Case of Successful or Superficial Europeanization?' (2009) 14 European Foreign Affairs Review, Issue 1, pp. 129–156 | | There is a vast literature on Europeanization but to date it has not concentrated on its impact on EU institutions. There is an emerging literature on the external relations of transnational parliaments (including the European Parliament’s external policies), some of it labelled ‘parliamentary diplomacy’, but it remains an under–studied area all the same. The original contribution of this article is to bring those trends together in a specific attempt to identify if there is a Europeanization of the European Parliament (EP) on a specific international issue: the Cyprus problem. That particular question is extremely important because the EU’s enlargement policy is considered to be its most effective Europeanization process. As the Republic of Cyprus has now joined the EU and Turkey has begun accession negotiations, the role of the EP is extremely relevant. After reviewing briefly the existing literature on Europeanization, and on the external relations of the EP, the article considers in more detail the EP’s empirical record on the Cyprus problem. It identifies three distinct stances and phases. It concludes by arguing that a shifting EP stance on the Cyprus problem shows signs not of a successful Europeanization, but rather of a superficial one, which depends largely on changing circumstances and national preferences. Copyright © 2009 Kluwer Law International
All rights reserved ISSN: 1384-6299
ID: EERR2009008 |
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'The European Union and Developing Countries', Michael J. Steffens, Issue 1, pp. 157–158 |
infoMichael J. Steffens, 'The European Union and Developing Countries' (2009) 14 European Foreign Affairs Review, Issue 1, pp. 157–158 | | Copyright © 2009 Kluwer Law International
All rights reserved ISSN: 1384-6299
ID: EERR2009009 |
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'EU Security Governance', Simon Duke, Issue 1, pp. 158–160 |
infoSimon Duke, 'EU Security Governance' (2009) 14 European Foreign Affairs Review, Issue 1, pp. 158–160 | | Copyright © 2009 Kluwer Law International
All rights reserved ISSN: 1384-6299
ID: EERR2009010 |
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'Bestimmungsfaktoren und Handlungsfähigkeit der Europäischen Sicherheits– und Verteidigungspolitik', Eva Gross, Issue 1, pp. 160–161 |
infoEva Gross, 'Bestimmungsfaktoren und Handlungsfähigkeit der Europäischen Sicherheits– und Verteidigungspolitik' (2009) 14 European Foreign Affairs Review, Issue 1, pp. 160–161 | | Copyright © 2009 Kluwer Law International
All rights reserved ISSN: 1384-6299
ID: EERR2009011 |
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'La difesa europea', Marta Martinelli, Issue 1, pp. 161–163 |
infoMarta Martinelli, 'La difesa europea' (2009) 14 European Foreign Affairs Review, Issue 1, pp. 161–163 | | Copyright © 2009 Kluwer Law International
All rights reserved ISSN: 1384-6299
ID: EERR2009012 |
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ISSUE 2 | |
'The International Role of Eurojust in Fighting Organized Crime and Terrorism', Michèle Coninsx, José Luís Lopes da Mota, Issue 2, pp. 165–169 |
infoMichèle Coninsx, José Luís Lopes da Mota, 'The International Role of Eurojust in Fighting Organized Crime and Terrorism' (2009) 14 European Foreign Affairs Review, Issue 2, pp. 165–169 | | Copyright © 2009 Kluwer Law International
All rights reserved ISSN: 1384-6299
ID: EERR2009013 |
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'Towards An EU Military Ethos', Tommi Koivula, Issue 2, pp. 171–190 |
infoTommi Koivula, 'Towards An EU Military Ethos' (2009) 14 European Foreign Affairs Review, Issue 2, pp. 171–190 | | Abstract. Since the late 1990s, we have witnessed a substantial expansion in the European Union’s crisis management efforts. Less attention, however, has been given to the way in which the involvement in EU crisis management affects the roles and missions of the participating soldiers. This article seeks to address this issue by proposing that as a consequence of the increased crisis management efforts, a specific military ethos is about to emerge in the EU. The ethos can be characterized with three cornerstone commands: ‘Pretend to be warlike but don’t fight’; ‘Master civilian skills’; and ‘Redefine your patriotism’. It will be suggested that, its added value in crisis management notwithstanding, the emerging military ethos does not address the initial aims of the ESDP. Rather, it constitutes a strategic handicap to the Union’s external capabilities. Copyright © 2009 Kluwer Law International
All rights reserved ISSN: 1384-6299
ID: EERR2009014 |
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'Imposing Sanctions: The Not So ‘Normative Power Europe’', Klaus Brummer, Issue 2, pp. 191–207 |
infoKlaus Brummer, 'Imposing Sanctions: The Not So ‘Normative Power Europe’' (2009) 14 European Foreign Affairs Review, Issue 2, pp. 191–207 | | Abstract. This paper shows that the sanctions policy of the EU is characterized by three inconsistencies. They relate to the selection of countries against which sanctions are imposed, the triggers for autonomous European sanctions and the use of exemptions. Whereas no pattern can be discerned concerning the first two aspects, the misuse of exemptions for political reasons also adds to inconsistent European policies. This paper argues that although norms and values play a role in the EU’s sanctions policy, more often than not they are upstaged by security and economic interests. As none of the underlying reasons for the inconsistencies (e.g. predominance of national interests, diverging views on the viability of sanctions) will disappear anytime soon, the sanctions policy of the EU will continue to oscillate between interests, norms and values. Copyright © 2009 Kluwer Law International
All rights reserved ISSN: 1384-6299
ID: EERR2009015 |
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'The EU’s ‘External Governance’ and Legislative Approximation by Neighbours: Challenges for the Classic Constitutional Templates', Anneli Albi, Issue 2, pp. 209–230 |
infoAnneli Albi, 'The EU’s ‘External Governance’ and Legislative Approximation by Neighbours: Challenges for the Classic Constitutional Templates' (2009) 14 European Foreign Affairs Review, Issue 2, pp. 209–230 | | Abstract. In the framework of the European Neighbourhood Policy, the EU’s enlargement conditionality and pre-accession methodology have largely been extended to the new neighbours, with the rule transfer having been characterized as part of the EU’s ‘external governance’. The absence of accession prospects for these countries at the present stage makes this an intriguing case; the paper consequently seeks to explore the extent to which the EU rules are transferred, with a special focus on Ukraine. The analysis leads to an inquiry into an issue that has been largely missing in the voluminous literature on EU conditionality: the legitimacy of the approximation process from the national constitutional perspective. The paper contends that voluntary approximation of national legislation to external rules presents a novel challenge to the classic constitutional models that have emerged to accommodate international and EU rules within sovereign legal orders, and hence a search for new solutions is warranted. Copyright © 2009 Kluwer Law International
All rights reserved ISSN: 1384-6299
ID: EERR2009016 |
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'The Small Arms Judgment in an Age of Constitutional Turmoil', Bart Van Vooren, Issue 2, pp. 231–248 |
infoBart Van Vooren, 'The Small Arms Judgment in an Age of Constitutional Turmoil' (2009) 14 European Foreign Affairs Review, Issue 2, pp. 231–248 | | Abstract. On 20 May 2008, the Court of Justice handed down its long-awaited judgment in the Small Arms case (C-91/05). In a previous contribution in this review I have argued that from the perspective of the current post-Nice Treaty framework, the ECJ has rendered a judgment that is neither legally coherent nor conducive to dynamism in foreign policy conduct. It was concluded that the ECJ’s bifurcated treatment of the two CFSP instruments at issue has failed to settle the dust that had been stirred up by this cross-pillar conflict. In this article it is argued that the Lisbon Treaty would rectify this situation by obsoleting the Court’s interpretation of Article 47 TEU, and putting in place the legal equality of the Union’s CFSP and its other external policies. This would erase the Court’s hierarchical approach to the ‘non-affectation clause’, but maintain the Grand Chamber’s construction that was arguably more conducive to finding the legal equilibrium between the CFSP and other EU external action such as development, while maintaining sufficient flexibility in formulating external policy. Copyright © 2009 Kluwer Law International
All rights reserved ISSN: 1384-6299
ID: EERR2009017 |
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'The European Union’s Democracy Promotion Approach in Central Asia: On the Right Track?', Alexander Warkotsch, Issue 2, pp. 249–269 |
infoAlexander Warkotsch, 'The European Union’s Democracy Promotion Approach in Central Asia: On the Right Track?' (2009) 14 European Foreign Affairs Review, Issue 2, pp. 249–269 | | Abstract. This article examines the adequacy of the EU’s tool kit and overall strategy for the promotion of democracy in Central Asia by drawing on two generic social mechanisms: strategic calculation and normative suasion. First, the analysis will show that several interrelated conditions, above all cultural idiosyncrasies, properties of interaction between socializees and socializing agents, as well as the nature of the political system, are not sufficiently allowed for by the EU’s policy approach, rendering bleak the prospects for moving the region towards a democratic trajectory. Second, building on identified problems in the EU’s socialization efforts, the paper presents policy recommendations on how to improve the EU’s democratizing impact. Copyright © 2009 Kluwer Law International
All rights reserved ISSN: 1384-6299
ID: EERR2009018 |
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'European Commission Delegations and EU Public Policy: Stakeholders’ Perceptions from the Asia-Pacific', Natalia Chaban, Serena Kelly, Jessica Bain, Issue 2, pp. 271–288 |
infoNatalia Chaban, Serena Kelly, Jessica Bain, 'European Commission Delegations and EU Public Policy: Stakeholders’ Perceptions from the Asia-Pacific' (2009) 14 European Foreign Affairs Review, Issue 2, pp. 271–288 | | Abstract. This paper scrutinizes the role of the European Commission Delegations (ECDs) in their contribution to the EU’s public diplomacy efforts. With the ECDs’ personnel being posted to 136 countries and territories, delegations naturally play a vital role in the promotion of the EU. This role becomes all the more important in some third countries, where the delegation might be the only permanent representative of the EU or its Member States, and could be logically seen as ‘test labs’ for the European External Action Service proposed by the Lisbon Treaty. Drawing on 242 face-to-face stakeholders’ interviews conducted from 2003 until 2008 in ten Asia-Pacific locations, this paper attempts to identify third-party perspectives on how the ECDs could increase their effectiveness worldwide. It develops suggestions intended to maximize the ECDs’ public diplomacy impact in the Asia-Pacific region and, consequently, to reinforce an image of EU solidarity around the world. Copyright © 2009 Kluwer Law International
All rights reserved ISSN: 1384-6299
ID: EERR2009019 |
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'Kennedy’s ‘Two Pillars’ Revisited: Does the ESDP Make the EU and the USA Equal Partners in NATO?', Joris Larik, Issue 2, pp. 289–304 |
infoJoris Larik, 'Kennedy’s ‘Two Pillars’ Revisited: Does the ESDP Make the EU and the USA Equal Partners in NATO?' (2009) 14 European Foreign Affairs Review, Issue 2, pp. 289–304 | | Abstract. This essay takes President John F. Kennedy’s visionary ‘Declaration of Interdependence’ of 1962, in which he called for a concrete transatlantic partnership on equal footing as the benchmark to assess today’s relationship between the USA and the European Union in defence matters. The central question is: can the European Union with its emerging security and defence policy be seen as one of the two supporting pillars of NATO next to the USA? To this end, the general security strategies, the institutional frameworks and capabilities, as well as the defence industries of both sides are compared. The result is that, although the strategies and initiatives taken by the EU point towards a more equitable partnership, the current state of capabilities and defence industries make it impossible to conclude that NATO rests on two equal pillars. Nevertheless, in view of the history of European integration and in anticipation of the fresh impetus to be given by the Obama administration, the author closes by suggesting a less static image of the transatlantic partnership, namely that of an ever-changing, yet ever-closer partnership. Copyright © 2009 Kluwer Law International
All rights reserved ISSN: 1384-6299
ID: EERR2009020 |
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'L’action extérieure de l’Union européenne', Skander Nasra, Issue 2, pp. 305–306 |
infoSkander Nasra, 'L’action extérieure de l’Union européenne' (2009) 14 European Foreign Affairs Review, Issue 2, pp. 305–306 | | Copyright © 2009 Kluwer Law International
All rights reserved ISSN: 1384-6299
ID: EERR2009021 |
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'In Search of Structural Power: EU Aid Policy as a Global Political Instrument', Vicky Reynaert, Issue 2, pp. 306–308 |
infoVicky Reynaert, 'In Search of Structural Power: EU Aid Policy as a Global Political Instrument' (2009) 14 European Foreign Affairs Review, Issue 2, pp. 306–308 | | Copyright © 2009 Kluwer Law International
All rights reserved ISSN: 1384-6299
ID: EERR2009022 |
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'L’Europe de la défense: acteurs, enjeux et processus', Alexander Mattelaer, Issue 2, pp. 308–309 |
infoAlexander Mattelaer, 'L’Europe de la défense: acteurs, enjeux et processus' (2009) 14 European Foreign Affairs Review, Issue 2, pp. 308–309 | | Copyright © 2009 Kluwer Law International
All rights reserved ISSN: 1384-6299
ID: EERR2009023 |
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'The European Union and Turkish Accession: Human Rights and the Kurds', Cemal Karakas, Issue 2, pp. 310–311 |
infoCemal Karakas, 'The European Union and Turkish Accession: Human Rights and the Kurds' (2009) 14 European Foreign Affairs Review, Issue 2, pp. 310–311 | | Copyright © 2009 Kluwer Law International
All rights reserved ISSN: 1384-6299
ID: EERR2009024 |
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ISSUE 3 | |
'From the (French) Mediterranean Union to the (European) Barcelona Process: The ‘Union for the Mediterranean’ as Part of the European Neighbourhood Policy', Michael Reiterer, Issue 3, pp. 313–336 |
infoMichael Reiterer, 'From the (French) Mediterranean Union to the (European) Barcelona Process: The ‘Union for the Mediterranean’ as Part of the European Neighbourhood Policy' (2009) 14 European Foreign Affairs Review, Issue 3, pp. 313–336 | | Abstract. The Mediterranean remains a crucial area for the EU. Among other things, it is the Union’s gateway to the crucial oil of the Gulf states, therefore political stability in the region is vital. This paper looks at EU attempts to forge a relationship with the Mediterranean through particularly the ENP. It concludes with the realisation that it reamins a ‘region under construction’, and offers some insights gained from an analysis of successful interregionalism offered by the Asia Europe Meeting (ASEM) process, and highlights some common as well as diverging features between these two forms of cooperation. Copyright © 2009 Kluwer Law International
All rights reserved ISSN: 1384-6299
ID: EERR2009025 |
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'The EU and Russia as Energy Trading Partners: Friends or Foes?', Rafael Leal-Arcas, Issue 3, pp. 337–366 |
infoRafael Leal-Arcas, 'The EU and Russia as Energy Trading Partners: Friends or Foes?' (2009) 14 European Foreign Affairs Review, Issue 3, pp. 337–366 | | Abstract. This paper examines the potential of a trade partnership of the EC with Russia. In doing so, it emphasizes the interaction between politics and international economic law and policy from an empirical perspective. It argues that the EC’s objective of engaging with Russia on trade matters is to establish peace, security, and prosperity in the twenty-first century, and looks at Russia’s rise as an energy power, analysing its control of supplies and delivery systems and its investments in energy infrastructure across the EU, as well as questions about the potential of its production. The paper also examines the EU’s difficulties in forging a common policy on energy supply and recommends a strategy of both integration and diversification, arguing that the EU seek new sources of energy from non-Russian suppliers. The paper concludes with some recommendations on how the EU and Russia should move forward in the energy field. Copyright © 2009 Kluwer Law International
All rights reserved ISSN: 1384-6299
ID: EERR2009026 |
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'Odd Couple or Dynamic Duo? The EU and Strategy in Times of Crisis', Sven Biscop, Issue 3, pp. 367–384 |
infoSven Biscop, 'Odd Couple or Dynamic Duo? The EU and Strategy in Times of Crisis' (2009) 14 European Foreign Affairs Review, Issue 3, pp. 367–384 | | Abstract. When the European Council in December 2007 mandated Solana to examine the implementation of the 2003 ESS ‘with a view to proposing elements on how to improve the implementation and, as appropriate, elements to complement it’, great expectations were raised, proof perhaps of the importance attached to the ESS. The resulting Implementation Report of December 2008 provides a concise overview of implementation, confirms the analysis of the threats and challenges and the choice for a holistic and multilateral approach, and ends with a firm call to action. But it offers little in terms of concrete recommendations, and as such represents a missed opportunity as well as an ad hoc occasion, as no deadline for the next assessment of the ESS has been decided. Copyright © 2009 Kluwer Law International
All rights reserved ISSN: 1384-6299
ID: EERR2009027 |
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'‘Patchwork Power’ Europe: The EU’s Representation in International Institutions', Sieglinde Gstöhl, Issue 3, pp. 385–403 |
infoSieglinde Gstöhl, '‘Patchwork Power’ Europe: The EU’s Representation in International Institutions' (2009) 14 European Foreign Affairs Review, Issue 3, pp. 385–403 | | Abstract. This article investigates why the EU’s representation in formal and informal international institutions still varies so widely. It draws on a number of case studies and, by analysing their findings in a comparative manner, makes this fragmented representation visible. It argues that institutional rules relating to both the EU and the international fora need to be considered to explain this patchwork. The weaker its legal competences and internal coordination mechanisms, and the stricter and less equal the rules of participation in international institutions, the greater the EU’s inability to ‘speak with one voice’. The plausibility of this claim is illustrated by various examples selected from different issue areas and international institutions of global importance. Copyright © 2009 Kluwer Law International
All rights reserved ISSN: 1384-6299
ID: EERR2009028 |
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'Actors and Mechanisms of EU Coordination at the UN', Anne Degrand-Guillaud, Issue 3, pp. 405–430 |
infoAnne Degrand-Guillaud, 'Actors and Mechanisms of EU Coordination at the UN' (2009) 14 European Foreign Affairs Review, Issue 3, pp. 405–430 | | Abstract. This article – the first of two to be published consecutively in the Review – gives precise information about EU negotiations at the UN, articulated around five basic questions – why, where, who, what and how – about EU coordination. The European Union seeks to speak with ‘one voice’ in the United Nations context. The individual EU Member States which make up one seventh of the UN’s total membership could carry immense weight within the UN when they are fully coherent. How the EU manages to reach a common position is a kind of black box. EU statements are public, but the way Member States agree on them is kept hidden behind closed doors. EU coordination deserves to be better understood. Copyright © 2009 Kluwer Law International
All rights reserved ISSN: 1384-6299
ID: EERR2009029 |
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'Commission Versus Council Secretariat: An Analysis of Bureaucratic Rivalry in European Foreign Policy', Hylke Dijkstra, Issue 3, pp. 431–450 |
infoHylke Dijkstra, 'Commission Versus Council Secretariat: An Analysis of Bureaucratic Rivalry in European Foreign Policy' (2009) 14 European Foreign Affairs Review, Issue 3, pp. 431–450 | | Abstract. The European Commission and the EU Council Secretariat support the Member States in the conduct of European foreign policy, yet they have not always been able to get along. This article gives an overview of their inter-institutional relations across history, foreign policy instruments (declarations, crisis management joint actions and representation) and regions. The main argument is that the relationship between both institutions is generally cooperative, but that tensions do arise in a limited number of cases where the roles of the Commission and the Council Secretariat are unclear, perceived to overlap or in competition. In these instances, they have generally found a modus vivendi and their inter-institutional relations have subsequently improved. Such informal arrangements do not address, however, the underlying structural problems – that the Council Secretariat challenges the Commission’s political and informational role in the context of foreign policy. Differences between both institutions are therefore still regularly displayed. This continues to undermine EU consistency and its effectiveness in international relations. Copyright © 2009 Kluwer Law International
All rights reserved ISSN: 1384-6299
ID: EERR2009030 |
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'European Security Culture: Language, Theory, Policy by Monica Gariup (Ashgate, Farnham, 2009)', Natalie Martin, Issue 3, pp. 451–452 |
infoNatalie Martin, 'European Security Culture: Language, Theory, Policy by Monica Gariup (Ashgate, Farnham, 2009)' (2009) 14 European Foreign Affairs Review, Issue 3, pp. 451–452 | | Copyright © 2009 Kluwer Law International
All rights reserved ISSN: 1384-6299
ID: EERR2009031 |
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'European Union Foreign Policy in a Changing World by Karen E. Smith (Polity Press, Oxford, 2008)', Alistair Jones, Issue 3, pp. 453–454 |
infoAlistair Jones, 'European Union Foreign Policy in a Changing World by Karen E. Smith (Polity Press, Oxford, 2008)' (2009) 14 European Foreign Affairs Review, Issue 3, pp. 453–454 | | Copyright © 2009 Kluwer Law International
All rights reserved ISSN: 1384-6299
ID: EERR2009032 |
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'Who is a Normative Foreign Policy Actor? The European Union and its Global Partners by Nathalie Tocci (CEPS, 2008)', Lorenzo Cladi, Issue 3, pp. 454–456 |
infoLorenzo Cladi, 'Who is a Normative Foreign Policy Actor? The European Union and its Global Partners by Nathalie Tocci (CEPS, 2008)' (2009) 14 European Foreign Affairs Review, Issue 3, pp. 454–456 | | Copyright © 2009 Kluwer Law International
All rights reserved ISSN: 1384-6299
ID: EERR2009033 |
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ISSUE 4 | |
'EU and the Eastern Neighbourhood: Reluctant Involvement in Conflict Resolution', Nicu Popescu, Issue 4, pp. 457–477 |
infoNicu Popescu, 'EU and the Eastern Neighbourhood: Reluctant Involvement in Conflict Resolution' (2009) 14 European Foreign Affairs Review, Issue 4, pp. 457–477 | | Abstract. The article deals with the European Union (EU) policy toward the post-Soviet secessionist conflicts in Transnistria, Abkhazia, South Ossetia, and Nagorno-arabakh. The article argues that, in order to understand the EU as a crisis management actor, one has to study not just the patterns of EU intervention in conflict resolution and the impact of its actions but also EU decision not to intervene. These have a huge explanatory potential for the understanding of the EU as a foreign policy actor. Thus the article analyses in detail not just what the EU does vis-à-vis the post-Soviet secessionist conflicts but also what it failed to do. It analyses EU decisions to appoint special envoys, send civilian crisis management operations and offer assistance to the conflict zones, but also draws lessons from EU’s refusal to consider the deployment of peacekeepers or the avoidance of conflict resolution strategies, which might upset Russia. The article concludes that EU intervention in conflict resolution is primarily driven by external constraints or opportunities rather than strategic design. When faced with a choice for possible intervention in conflict settlement, the EU tends to opt for the easier, rather than the necessary, foreign policy measures and tends to work around the hard issues of conflict resolution. Copyright © 2009 Kluwer Law International
All rights reserved ISSN: 1384-6299
ID: EERR2009034 |
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'Stabilizing the Neighbourhood? The EU’s Contribution to SSR in Georgia', Oscar Pardo Sierra, Issue 4, pp. 479–500 |
infoOscar Pardo Sierra, 'Stabilizing the Neighbourhood? The EU’s Contribution to SSR in Georgia' (2009) 14 European Foreign Affairs Review, Issue 4, pp. 479–500 | | Abstract. This article examines how the European Union (EU) has contributed to Security Sector Reform (SSR) in Georgia. SSR is a relatively new concept, which aims at creating a secure environment that is linked with democratic norms and institutions and which encompasses all the sectors and actors related to a state’s security and not only defence or intelligence forces. The European Security Strategy (ESS) identifies SSR as one of the main new possible missions of the EU’s foreign policy. Looking at the diverse EU programmes undertaken in Georgia and norms transference, the paper evaluates to what degree the EU has contributed to Georgian SSR, especially since the 2003 Rose Revolution. It is argued that in SSR the EU acts mainly as a ‘transmission belt’ of international norms and through bilateral ad hoc programmes. These results also show how the EU has increased its profile as a security provider, especially in the support of Georgian border management, and how the EU can become a security provider in areas of soft security such as judicial and law enforcement or police reform. Copyright © 2009 Kluwer Law International
All rights reserved ISSN: 1384-6299
ID: EERR2009035 |
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'Pioneer Europe? The ENP as a Test Case for EU’s Foreign Policy', Laure Delcour, Elsa Tulmets, Issue 4, pp. 501–523 |
infoLaure Delcour, Elsa Tulmets, 'Pioneer Europe? The ENP as a Test Case for EU’s Foreign Policy' (2009) 14 European Foreign Affairs Review, Issue 4, pp. 501–523 | | Abstract. This article uses the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) as a case study to conceptualize and to define further the characteristics of the European Union as an international actor in the making. It builds upon discourse analysis and field research to argue that the European Union can be best understood as a ‘Pioneer Europe’ looking for new ways of doing foreign policy, thus experimenting its policies abroad and constantly learning from the successes and failures of its own policies. The article highlights in particular the discrepancies between a policy discourse mainly developed around the notion of the EU as a ‘soft power’ and implementation in the field reflecting the various tensions inherent to a policy which, at the image of the EU, still encounters difficulties to define itself. Copyright © 2009 Kluwer Law International
All rights reserved ISSN: 1384-6299
ID: EERR2009036 |
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'Greening the Neighbourhood? The Environmental Dimension of the ENP in Morocco and Ukraine', Aron Buzogány, Oriol Costa, Issue 4, pp. 525–545 |
infoAron Buzogány, Oriol Costa, 'Greening the Neighbourhood? The Environmental Dimension of the ENP in Morocco and Ukraine' (2009) 14 European Foreign Affairs Review, Issue 4, pp. 525–545 | | Abstract. Five years after launching the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) two ideas seem to be undisputed about it: it aims to promote deeper and broader relationships between the EU and its neighbours. Nevertheless, these claims have not been tested empirically, especially when it comes to the broadness hypothesis. Thus, this article enquires about the extent to which the EU is promoting the adoption of rules by neighbourhood countries in allegedly new and less politicized issue areas. In order to address this question we look at the environmental dimension of the ENP, focusing on the cases of Morocco and Ukraine. We conceptualize the environmental dimension of the ENP and put forward an account that highlights the institutional logics of rule promotion under the ENP, as well as its double contingency on agents that are central for the implementation of the policies: bureaucratic structures and non-state actors. Copyright © 2009 Kluwer Law International
All rights reserved ISSN: 1384-6299
ID: EERR2009037 |
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'Transforming the Balkans? Lesson Learning and Institutional Reflexivity in the EU Enlargement Approach', Máire Braniff, Issue 4, pp. 547–563 |
infoMáire Braniff, 'Transforming the Balkans? Lesson Learning and Institutional Reflexivity in the EU Enlargement Approach' (2009) 14 European Foreign Affairs Review, Issue 4, pp. 547–563 | | Abstract. European Union (EU) enlargement has important implications for the political and economic transition for the candidate and ‘potential’ candidate states of the Western Balkans. Similarly, the enlargement approach has effects on the functionality of EU enlargement. The article explores the development of the relationships between the EU and the Balkans and the politics and functionality of EU enlargement approach. The article examines how through a process of lesson learning and institutional reflexivity the development of the EU enlargement approach has impacted the technical and political basis and operation of the EU enlargement approach. This has evolved because of the interplay of factors, which includes institutional reflexivity within and among key agencies. Consequently, the EU has significantly extended political conditionality, the timeframe for accession, and the mechanisms for enlargement. Hence, the article concludes that EU enlargement has conformed to the policy-learning model with consequences for the enlargement to the Balkans. Copyright © 2009 Kluwer Law International
All rights reserved ISSN: 1384-6299
ID: EERR2009038 |
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'To Be or Ought to Be: That is the Question of European Security', Lorenza Sebesta, Issue 4, pp. 565–590 |
infoLorenza Sebesta, 'To Be or Ought to Be: That is the Question of European Security' (2009) 14 European Foreign Affairs Review, Issue 4, pp. 565–590 | | Abstract. The present article examines the tenets of the present European security strategy, beginning with some considerations on the 2003 document ‘A secure Europe in a better world’. It then discusses the need for an ‘ought to be’, that is a sense of direction, for EU security policy and suggests some alternative visions on the ways to elaborate it. It then resort to a brief historical account of the evolution of Europe, once the arena of dramatic rivalries, into a peaceful international society and suggests some often forgotten explanatory elements, while putting under scrutiny the ‘common knowledge’ about how European security has been achieved, referring, for example, to the ambiguous role played by North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) in this context. A short analysis of the present debate on the nature and objectives of the EU as an international actor in the security field follows. Academic visions and those of practitioners are analysed and confronted. Contrary to the appearances, some ideas emerging from the scholar debate and mirrored in EU documents on security are considered to be functional to the agenda of many practitioners, focused on answering the internal needs of their governments in terms of legitimation of their military forces and increase in public funding for military firms. Copyright © 2009 Kluwer Law International
All rights reserved ISSN: 1384-6299
ID: EERR2009039 |
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'Local Consular Cooperation: Administrating EU Internal Security Abroad', Ana Mar Fernández, Issue 4, pp. 591–606 |
infoAna Mar Fernández, 'Local Consular Cooperation: Administrating EU Internal Security Abroad' (2009) 14 European Foreign Affairs Review, Issue 4, pp. 591–606 | | Abstract. Since the beginning of the new millennium, local consular cooperation has become a priority on the European agenda. The new challenges in terms of security and public order, generated by phenomena such as the increase in migratory flows from outside the European Union (EU) or international terrorism, have upgraded the strategic role of consular cooperation as a means of reinforcing the integrated management of the EU’s external borders. This paper explores the institutional development of this external aspect of EU internal security. It examines the patterns of administrative cooperation resulting from both the institutionalization of channels of intergovernmental consular cooperation and the deployment of EU rules and procedures, and draws attention to the contested political visions that preside over this multimodal system of administrative governance. Copyright © 2009 Kluwer Law International
All rights reserved ISSN: 1384-6299
ID: EERR2009040 |
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'Characteristics of and Recommendations for EU Coordination at the UN', Anne Degrand-Guillaud, Issue 4, pp. 607–622 |
infoAnne Degrand-Guillaud, 'Characteristics of and Recommendations for EU Coordination at the UN' (2009) 14 European Foreign Affairs Review, Issue 4, pp. 607–622 | | Abstract. This paper is the second article of a series of two papers focused on European Union (EU) coordination at the United Nations. It analyses characteristics of EU coordination through insider observations and suggests a set of recommendations for improving and simplifying some of the current ways of proceeding. This would be of particular interest for the future external action service of the EU, which will provide back up and support to the High Representative for the Union in Foreign Affairs. This new configuration should streamline and increase the impact and the coherence of the EU’s external action. The audience for this article is diplomats and professional negotiators at Member States and European level. Copyright © 2009 Kluwer Law International
All rights reserved ISSN: 1384-6299
ID: EERR2009041 |
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'Europe’s Role in Nation-Building: From the Balkans to the Congo by James Dobbins, Seth G. Jones, Keith Crane, Christopher S. Chivvis, Andrew Radin, F. Stephen Larrabee, Nora Bensahel, Brooke K. Stearns and Benjamin W. Goldsmith (RAND Corporation, Pittsburgh, 2008)', Stephan Keukeleire, Issue 4, pp. 623–624 |
infoStephan Keukeleire, 'Europe’s Role in Nation-Building: From the Balkans to the Congo by James Dobbins, Seth G. Jones, Keith Crane, Christopher S. Chivvis, Andrew Radin, F. Stephen Larrabee, Nora Bensahel, Brooke K. Stearns and Benjamin W. Goldsmith (RAND Corporation, Pittsburgh, 2008)' (2009) 14 European Foreign Affairs Review, Issue 4, pp. 623–624 | | Copyright © 2009 Kluwer Law International
All rights reserved ISSN: 1384-6299
ID: EERR2009042 |
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'Défense Européenne, La Grande Illusion by Jean-Dominique Merchet [European Defence, The Great Illusion] (Larousse, Paris, 2009)', Thomas Renard, Issue 4, pp. 624–626 |
infoThomas Renard, 'Défense Européenne, La Grande Illusion by Jean-Dominique Merchet [European Defence, The Great Illusion] (Larousse, Paris, 2009)' (2009) 14 European Foreign Affairs Review, Issue 4, pp. 624–626 | | Copyright © 2009 Kluwer Law International
All rights reserved ISSN: 1384-6299
ID: EERR2009043 |
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'Relations internationales. Une perspective européenne by Mario Telò [International Relations. A European Perspective] (Brussels, Editions de l’Université de Bruxelles, 2008)', Dr Giovanni Grevi, Issue 4, pp. 626–628 |
infoDr Giovanni Grevi, 'Relations internationales. Une perspective européenne by Mario Telò [International Relations. A European Perspective] (Brussels, Editions de l’Université de Bruxelles, 2008)' (2009) 14 European Foreign Affairs Review, Issue 4, pp. 626–628 | | Copyright © 2009 Kluwer Law International
All rights reserved ISSN: 1384-6299
ID: EERR2009044 |
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ISSUE 5 | |
'The Social Dimension of European Union Trade Policies', Bart Kerremans, Jan Orbie, Issue 5, pp. 629–641 |
infoBart Kerremans, Jan Orbie, 'The Social Dimension of European Union Trade Policies' (2009) 14 European Foreign Affairs Review, Issue 5, pp. 629–641 | | The European Union (EU) is widely considered as a formidable trade power. It represents about one fourth of worldwide trade flows and generally speaks with one voice in its common commercial policies. In addition, policy-makers and scholars often regard the Union as a distinctive, ‘normative power’ in the world. From this perspective, Europe tries to be at the forefront of promoting values such as human rights, democracy, sustainable development, and social justice, this with a clear preference for supporting international dialogue and cooperation in these areas, rather than for using trade sanctions. This special issue combines both aspects of the EU’s international role. More specifically, it concerns the social dimension of the EU’s trade policies. It raises the questions of how, why, and with what impact the EU has promoted social objectives through its common commercial policies. These three questions will be addressed in this introduction, followed by a brief summary of the way in which the different contributions of this special issue deal with them. Copyright © 2009 Kluwer Law International
All rights reserved ISSN: 1384-6299
ID: EERR2009045 |
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'The Distinct Politics of the European Union’s ‘Fair Trade’ Linkage to Labour Standards', Brian Burgoon, Issue 5, pp. 643–661 |
infoBrian Burgoon, 'The Distinct Politics of the European Union’s ‘Fair Trade’ Linkage to Labour Standards' (2009) 14 European Foreign Affairs Review, Issue 5, pp. 643–661 | | European Union (EU) social actors, governments and EU level representatives have been divided over fair trade linkage, where trade access is made conditional upon protection of labour standards. This division is partly an artefact of sharp disagreement and confusion over the nature of such linkage: supporters usually defend fair trade linkage as humanizing rather than shutting-down globalization, while opponents construe such linkage as a back door to protectionism or worry that other countries will construe linkage as such. This article analyses whether and in what ways EU fair trade protection has a politics distinct from those of general EU trade protection. The focus is on public opinion data in fifteen EU Member States that allows comparing citizen support for EU fair trade protection with that for EU trade protection generally. Judging from both aggregate national comparisons and individual level information in these data, EU fair trade linkage tends to receive generally more support than general trade protection, likely due to the former’s explicit appeal to broad standards of fairness. And the political basis of this support appears to lie not only in economic insecurities associated with skill and income but also in left-oriented ideological commitments to social rights of workers and to government interventions to protect such rights. These differences have important implications for the fortunes of fair trade linkage and for the broader politics of how Europe navigates globalization. Copyright © 2009 Kluwer Law International
All rights reserved ISSN: 1384-6299
ID: EERR2009046 |
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'The New GSP+ Beneficiaries: Ticking the Box or Truly Consistent with ILO Findings?', Jan Orbie, Lisa Tortell, Issue 5, pp. 663–681 |
infoJan Orbie, Lisa Tortell, 'The New GSP+ Beneficiaries: Ticking the Box or Truly Consistent with ILO Findings?' (2009) 14 European Foreign Affairs Review, Issue 5, pp. 663–681 | | In the past decade, the European Union (EU) has committed itself to promoting the social dimension of globalization, focusing mostly on the promotion of labour standards internationally through increased cooperation with the International Labour Organization (ILO) and by means of its external trade policies. This article addresses these two dimensions of the Union’s global social policies, by examining whether EU practise in Generalized System of Preferences (GSP) labour conditionality has been consistent with ILO assessments. In particular, we utilize a ‘hierarchy of condemnation’ to examine the implementation record of core labour standards (CLS), as evaluated by the ILO committees entrusted with assessing countries’ observance of conventions. This analysis makes clear that, although EU decisions to sanction countries through its GSP scheme are traceable to the level of condemnation by the ILO, consistency between the granting of GSP+ incentives and ILO assessments is less clear-cut and cannot entirely be explained by the EU’s attempts to use GSP+ to stimulate the implementation of CLS. Finally a number of explanations for these findings are given, pointing in particular to path-dependent processes in the EU decision-making system. Copyright © 2009 Kluwer Law International
All rights reserved ISSN: 1384-6299
ID: EERR2009047 |
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'Interest Aggregation, Political Parties, Labour Standards and Trade: Differences in the US and EU Approaches to the Inclusion of Labour Standards in International Trade Agreements', Bart Kerremans, Myriam Martins Gistelinck, Issue 5, pp. 683–701 |
infoBart Kerremans, Myriam Martins Gistelinck, 'Interest Aggregation, Political Parties, Labour Standards and Trade: Differences in the US and EU Approaches to the Inclusion of Labour Standards in International Trade Agreements' (2009) 14 European Foreign Affairs Review, Issue 5, pp. 683–701 | | The connection between labour standards and international trade has become a key issue in the relations between industrialized economies and developing countries. Both the US and the EU are advocates of the inclusion of ‘labour standards’ in trade agreements with developing countries, in multilateral, bilateral and unilateral contexts alike. As the prospects of establishing multilateral rules governing the relations between trade and labour within the framework of the World Trade Organization (WTO) have diminished, both trade blocs increasingly focus on bilateral forums to pursue their policy goals. In this article, the objectives are twofold. First of all, we aim at describing the main points of difference between the EU’s and the US’s approach toward the inclusion of labour standards in bilateral trade agreements. In a second step, we will formulate a possible explanation for these differences based on a theoretical model that focuses on the aggregative role of political parties in the context of European and US policy-making on trade. Copyright © 2009 Kluwer Law International
All rights reserved ISSN: 1384-6299
ID: EERR2009048 |
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'The Social Dimension of the New Generation of EU FTAs with Asia and Latin America: Ambitious Continuation for the Sake of Policy Coherence', Fabienne Bossuyt, Issue 5, pp. 703–722 |
infoFabienne Bossuyt, 'The Social Dimension of the New Generation of EU FTAs with Asia and Latin America: Ambitious Continuation for the Sake of Policy Coherence' (2009) 14 European Foreign Affairs Review, Issue 5, pp. 703–722 | | This article examines the commitment of the European Union (EU) to advance social goals through the ‘new generation’ of Free Trade Agreements (FTAs) with partner countries in Asia and Latin America. It does so by analysing the positions of the relevant policy actors on the inclusion of social issues in these prospective agreements. The study finds that the EU is pursuing an ambitious social agenda for the future bilateral trade arrangements while building on existing EU initiatives to strengthen the Social Dimension of Globalization (SDG). It will be argued that this high level of social commitment should be attributed to the Commission’s pro-activeness and entrepreneurial ability in rallying the Member States behind the incorporation of social issues in the negotiating mandates. In asking why the Commission is so committed to promoting social justice through the new trade agreements, the article offers three explanations, one referring to the goal of increasing policy coherence in the social-trade nexus, one drawing on the issue of legitimacy and one relating to the pursuit of bureaucratic interests. The article concludes that the EU’s ambitious agenda nevertheless needs to be qualified. The Commission’s attempts to face policy incoherence between the trade and social spheres risk being hampered by a number of internal and external factors, including weak bureaucratic coordination, contradictory policy goals and opposition by the negotiating partners. Copyright © 2009 Kluwer Law International
All rights reserved ISSN: 1384-6299
ID: EERR2009049 |
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'Trading-Off Gender Equality for Global Europe? The European Union and Free Trade Agreements', Jacqui True, Issue 5, pp. 723–742 |
infoJacqui True, 'Trading-Off Gender Equality for Global Europe? The European Union and Free Trade Agreements' (2009) 14 European Foreign Affairs Review, Issue 5, pp. 723–742 | | Trade liberalization is generally assumed to be a gender-neutral process that increases overall prosperity and is best advanced when stripped of all social and institutional baggage. Yet trade frequently increases or exacerbates structural gender inequalities between women and men in household economies and in local and transnational labour markets. The European Union (EU) purports a different model of economic integration based on the harmonization of institutional, ostensibly ‘non-market’ rules and norms among Member States. This approach to economic integration opens a crucial political opportunity for gender-equal development advocates not seen in other multilateral trade organizations. Nascent EU institutional mechanisms could be strengthened to promote gender-sensitive trade policy and address gender inequalities resulting from free trade agreements (FTAs) with developing country partners. The ‘Global Europe’ competitiveness-oriented trade agenda, however, works against this potential for the EU’s internal model of economic integration with social standards to reshape globalization. Copyright © 2009 Kluwer Law International
All rights reserved ISSN: 1384-6299
ID: EERR2009050 |
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'From CSR for Trade to CSR through Trade: The Chronicle of a European Link Foretold?', Aurora Voiculescu, Issue 5, pp. 743–762 |
infoAurora Voiculescu, 'From CSR for Trade to CSR through Trade: The Chronicle of a European Link Foretold?' (2009) 14 European Foreign Affairs Review, Issue 5, pp. 743–762 | | This article looks at the unfolding of the corporate social responsibility (CSR) debate in the European context and at the way this debate contributes to the promotion of CSR through the EU policies and through a subtle, potentially expanding normative regime. Looking at the ethos of the European CSR environment, the article addresses the variety of regulatory and non-regulatory signals received by the European institutions from its Member States. Next, the article looks into the various stages through which the European institutional position on CSR has been honed, reflecting the link between CSR and trade at policy level and the role played by the process of integrating a consistent human rights policy into the external, outward-looking dimension of the European CSR strategy. Building on this analysis and highlighting the CSR potential of instruments such as the Cotonou Agreement, the article looks into the way in which CSR and trade are intertwined in the latest models of European trade and development agreements as instruments of European foreign policy and as examples of the European approach to the social issues of globalization. Copyright © 2009 Kluwer Law International
All rights reserved ISSN: 1384-6299
ID: EERR2009051 |
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'The Trade-Labour Linkage from the Eyes of the Developing Countries: A Euphemism for Protectionist Practices?', Montserrat González Garibay, Issue 5, pp. 763–784 |
infoMontserrat González Garibay, 'The Trade-Labour Linkage from the Eyes of the Developing Countries: A Euphemism for Protectionist Practices?' (2009) 14 European Foreign Affairs Review, Issue 5, pp. 763–784 | | This article assesses the perception of the European Union’s trade-labour linkage policy by the developing countries at the bilateral level. While the normative foci of the policy are on human rights, social justice and regulation, it is uncertain whether the developing countries view the linkage in those terms. Drawing on a constructivist theoretical background, the developing countries’ perceptions are assessed, taking into account the discussions that, at the multilateral level, have preceded the European Union’s incorporation of labour-oriented provisions to preferential trade agreements. These discussions, which mainly took place during the WTO Ministerial Meetings, featured a strong polarization between linkage advocates and detractors. The possibility that the discussion has spilled over from the multilateral into the bilateral field is explored by analyzing the positions of Brazil, Chile, India and South Africa towards the linkage in their bilateral relations with the European Union Copyright © 2009 Kluwer Law International
All rights reserved ISSN: 1384-6299
ID: EERR2009052 |
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'The Social Dimension of EU Trade Policies: Reflections from a Normative Power Perspective', Ian Manners, Issue 5, pp. 785–803 |
infoIan Manners, 'The Social Dimension of EU Trade Policies: Reflections from a Normative Power Perspective' (2009) 14 European Foreign Affairs Review, Issue 5, pp. 785–803 | | This article provides some brief reflections on the ideas raised in the special issue on the social dimension of EU trade policies from a normative power (NP) perspective. A NP perspective attempts to understand and judge the ideational aspects of the EU by studying the EU’s principles, actions and impact in world politics. The article first elaborates on the role of labour rights as human rights in the EU’s external action from a NP perspective. The article then uses the NP tripartite analytical framework to examine the principles, actions and impact of the social dimension in EU trade policies found in the contributions to this special issue. Next the article asks how the EU initiatives in this area could increase the legitimacy of the ‘trade and social linkage’ in international politics and economics from a NP perspective. Finally the article concludes by suggesting a more holistic approach to the promotion of the social dimension of globalization. Copyright © 2009 Kluwer Law International
All rights reserved ISSN: 1384-6299
ID: EERR2009053 |
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'Index', Issue 5, pp. 805–809 |
info'Index' (2009) 14 European Foreign Affairs Review, Issue 5, pp. 805–809 | | Copyright © 2009 Kluwer Law International
All rights reserved ISSN: 1384-6299
ID: EERR2009054 |
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